Lesbian Historic Motif Podcast - Episode 17a - On the Shelf for December 2017 - Transcript
(Originally aired 2017/12/02 - listen here)
Welcome to On the Shelf for December 2017.
Usually this podcast comes to you from my living room in California, but this time I’ve been out visiting my girlfriend Lauri in New York City, and we’re recording together from a hotel room where we’ve just finished attending Chessiecon, a Baltimore area science fiction convention. Say hi to the listeners, Lauri!
Lauri: Greetings all!
I’ve invited Lauri to choose this month’s Ask Sappho question and she picked a fun topic that we can discuss together.
Call for Submissions
First I’d like to talk about the call for submissions for the fiction segment of the podcast. I’d like to remind listeners that in January this podcast will be open for fiction submissions for short stories with a pre-1900 historic setting. Look for the call for submissions on the alpennia.com website for full details. You still have lots of time to find inspiration and start writing. We’ll be buying at least two stories for audio production on this podcast. I’m both nervous and excited about my first foray into being a fiction publisher! And it was interesting that Lauri had a similar experience recently soliciting papers for an academic conference.
Lauri: Yes, indeed. The conference is called “Inside Out.” It is about dress and fashion in the middle ages, at Fordham University this coming March. And after we sent out the call for papers, I agonized for weeks. We ultimately got an absolutely wonderful response, but it was kind of heart-stopping for a while there, before the first few came in, and then the deluge followed. So I hope that will happen with your call for submissions, Heather.
Yeah. I won’t know until January when we open the floodgates and see if it’s an actual flood or a trickle.
Publications on the Blog
Now for the blog we’ve been getting into some deep subjects. In November, the Lesbian Historic Motif Project blog presented an excerpt from a medieval English chronicle about a group of women showing up at a tournament in men’s clothing and creating quite a stir. That was to tie in with October’s essay on female knights in shining armor. I also slipped in an article on two women in 15th century England who were memorialized together in an unusual burial that portrayed them in the same way a married couple would have been portrayed. This ties in with the topic of this month’s essay coming up in a few weeks, where I’ll be discussing grave memorials through the ages that jointly commemorated two unrelated women. While never a common practice, there are examples dating from classical Roman times onward.
After that, the blog started wading into some very dense publications that involve a lot of analysis of historical theory. I find this sort of thing almost as fascinating as the history itself, though I’ll quite understand if not all my readers do! The adventure started with Valerie Traub’s book Thinking Sex with the Early Moderns that explores the question of how we do research into sexual topics in history, and what it means to know that a piece of historic evidence is sexual in nature.
Following that, I’ve just started a collection of papers titled The Lesbian Premodern that examines the problems not only of researching lesbian-like topics in history, but also of how those topics and questions are treated by various historical theories. What does it mean to study “lesbian history”? And how does approaching the topic through that lens affect what questions are asked and what sort of evidence is brought to light? This collection has 18 articles, which ordinarily would last for over four months at my usual rate of blogging. But I’ve decided to double up and finish in two months. So first I’ve covered the introductory articles that lay out the problems and define some of the terms, as well as briefly introducing the rest of the contents of the book. The December entries look at how lesbian history has been approached in the past and discusses questions of terminology and the problem of looking for identification with the past. Is it a benefit or a hazard for a historian to be passionately engaged with their topic of study? Just who is it that we’re studying when we study lesbian history, and how does that differ from studying queer history? What categories of women have resonances with the concept of the lesbian and how wide a net does it make sense to cast when developing a concept of lesbian history?
The articles shift to examining specific people and texts, such as the 17th century English fictionalized family history Upon Appleton House that combines anti-Catholic and anti-lesbian sentiments, or a set of letters of the 7th century between two nuns in France and how we are to interpret the personal and professional bonds they suggest. Who was the audience for a set of illuminated manuscripts that present the biographies of early ascetic saints, but include images of elegant and fashionable women depicted positively, not just as temptresses? And what is the context for an Indian legend about the river goddess Ganga that depicts the two widows of a dead king as giving him an heir when their same-sex passion results in pregnancy?
So despite the book’s interest in historiographic theory, there are a lot of interesting stories it turns up.
This month’s author guest will be T. T. Thomas, who was one of the participants in the discussion that led me to set up the interview series. She talks about her inspirations and her research and how the historic figure of Ann Lister gave her ideas for what sorts of historic stories could be told. I really appreciate all the authors who have agreed to be guests on the show, enabling my expanded weekly schedule.
For this month’s Ask Sappho segment, I invited Lauri to provide the question and join me in discussing it. Lauri did her PhD research on medieval fashion history, involving concepts like the relationship between dress and social identity. She was curious about the topic of cross-dressing and passing women, and the question of whether there were changes over time in how cross-dressing was perceived and how successful it was. And how that affected the trope of women falling in love with a woman who was cross-dressing as a man.
Lauri, maybe you can elaborate on that question a little.
Lauri: Well, as you know one of my great interests as a historian is in sumptuary laws, which are laws which purport to control what people can and can’t wear. They are ineffective for the most part, but they were very popular in the middle ages. They got passed over and over. And one of the reasons is that it was more common in the middle ages for people to believe that your outward appearance generally reflected--and should reflect--your true inner self. Whereas more today we tend to believe the exact opposite: that truth is inner, and you can vary your outer appearance as you like. We don’t put much trust in your outward appearance as a real signifier of your inner truth.
So in a time when your outward appearance is supposed to reflect your inner truth, I was curious as to--in both life and in literature--how successful cross-dressing women were in passing as men. It seems to me that in most of the medieval literature with which I am familiar, the cross-dressing women are pretty successful.
Yes, it’s interesting, and hard to tell sometimes whether it’s a literary motif, or whether it reflected reality, because I can’t think of any specific examples before the 15th century of real life women cross-dressing--i.e., passing as men--that is, if you treat, for example, the early saints’ lives about transvestite saints as being literary or mythic rather than being real life, which I think is a safe thing to do. But it’s true that the actual effectiveness of the disguise seems to be taken for granted. For the early saints’ lives there’s sometimes a nod given to the idea that, because society still included a fairly regular appearance of eunuchs, that it was easier for a woman to present herself as a eunuch--a male eunuch--and not have people question her appearance as long as the clothing was right. But even that doesn’t seem to be the whole story.
In the romances, for example in the story of Yde and Olive, or the story of Tristan de Nanteuil, the act of putting on male clothing is the disguise. It is fully successful and never questioned, and the revelation of the person’s physical gender is done verbally. It is done through communication rather than perception.
Lauri: It makes me think of a subject that came up on one of the panels at the convention that we’re at, which is Joan of Arc, who is one of the few actual cross-dressers that we know of in the middle ages. Now I don’t believe that she was, in fact, trying to pass herself off as a man.
No, I don’t think so, because there was never a break in her story where the woman disappeared and the man appeared.
She was always known to be a woman wearing male clothing.
Lauri: Which she wore for a specific purpose, but which is one of the things that was held so much against her ultimately, was that she wore men’s clothing and she would not give it up. She did give it up temporarily, but ultimately she went back to it because she felt she had to. And I’ve never stopped to think about why that was, except that she was leading men in battle. She was not, indeed, pretending to be a man, but perhaps putting on the clothing of a man gave her some sort of inner warrior strength. I don’t know.
And although it’s not examples of actual passing, there are regulations--not so much regulations but commentary--on the idea of cross-dressing in some monastic literature. I believe Hildegard of Bingen is one of the people who discussed situations in which it was ok for women to pass as men: to preserve their chastity, for safety during travel. But that there were other circumstances where it would be sinful, because it was done for frivolous reasons. I don’t know if she specifically addresses the issue of dressing as a man in order to gain male privilege. Not that she would have put it that way!
But in the romances, there’s very definitely that transition of state that is the core of the sumptuary law question. Where putting on the clothing not only gives the character a male place in society, but also gives her the abilities of a knight. When Yde puts on male clothing, she is now a competent male fighter in society, with all of the attributes and experiences that she needs for that. And that’s not a universal feature of cross-dressing romances. In the romance of Silence, there’s an episode where it explains, “And she was trained in all of the skills she needed to know to be a knight.” But there is a sense very often that to put on the clothes is to become a functional male in society.
Lauri: Do you see this changing over time, as reflected in literature? Or as in individual cases that you know of in life where it becomes less clear that passing is automatically successful?
Where it starts to show up is especially in the 16th century. Possibly earlier, but there’s not a lot of data to work with. The 16th century is when we start getting more examples of cross-dressing in literature where it is treated more transgressively. The medieval romances...for a woman to put on the clothing of a man and become a man socially, is to ennoble herself, to become a higher being, which--misogyny! Hello! But that’s how it is, whereas especially in drama of the 16th century and 17th century, now you have that motif alongside the motif of a woman cross-dressing to pass as a man for deceptive purposes. To trick somebody. There are examples where the woman is passing as a man to seduce a woman who is a rival of hers for some other person’s affections. Or to trick somebody.
And this comes along with a general 16th century anxiety, an increasing anxiety about gender boundaries, and about people blurring gender boundaries, especially in dress. There are polemic tracts that talk about how horrible it is that women are wearing male fashions like doublets and tall hats. And that men are wearing feminine fashions. I don’t remember specific examples, but I think you know like laces and ribbons and things. And that this becomes part of the public conversation about dress, that: Oh my gosh! The gender boundaries are becoming blurred! This is awful! We can’t tell the girls from the boys!
So I suspect that in that climate, you had the possibility of people being given more scrutiny. That a passing woman might be more likely to be discovered because somebody was looking more closely, as opposed to assuming that the clothes make the man, as it were.
Lauri: Of course this is also a time when women were forbidden to appear on stage, at least in England. So in the dramas that you’re talking about--and Twelfth Night is a wonderful example--
Lauri: --you have a male actor playing a woman disguising herself as a man. Which just adds yet another layer of trickiness to the entire thing.
That sort of dramatic trope did continue on into Restoration theater when we did have women on the stage, so...so yes, I’m sure that in its origins, the incredible gender-bending aspect of the male actors was a big part of, say, the titillation going on. But there also seems to have been just a general fashion for playing with gender on the stage, even once you had actresses portraying the parts.
Lauri: It interests me that--and I don’t have an answer to this question, but this is all kind of tied up together--that there is a very specific point in the middle ages, roughly around the 1330s, where clothing which has been relatively unisex for centuries--two hundred years at least--where you have both men and women wearing very similar long, flowing ensembles, with various layers which completely conceal the legs and are differentiated primarily by length more than anything else, the women’s clothes being longer than the men’s--are superseded very suddenly by very sharply gender-differentiated clothing. Where the women are still wearing long, flowing clothes, and the men are suddenly wearing very short, very tight doublets that expose their legs, which are in tights so you can see them. And the gender difference is very sharply underlined by this. And you have to wonder what exactly is going on. And as I said, I don’t have an answer to this, but it...you’re making me think about it when you talk about a time when there’s a lot of anxiety about gender boundaries and how they are displayed in dress.
Yes, and the simple fact is: we don’t have enough concrete examples of passing women in that era to know how it might have made a difference. One of the fascinating types of evidence we do have from especially around the 16th-17th century--and a lot of this data comes from the Low Countries, because people have combed through all the legal records there to turn it up--is that especially when mobility became much easier, and especially with the rise of the professional army, where you could reinvent yourself by joining the army, and moving...going with the army somewhere else, and never seeing anybody that knew you. And that this was a context where a number of women would change their clothes--you know, take on male clothing--join the army, follow the army somewhere, and became men for all practical purposes. And very often it’s clearly an economic decision. Sometimes there are also romantic relationships with women involved.
It is essentially impossible to distinguish whether these people would have considered themselves to be women using this as a mechanism for economic and romantic purposes, or whether these are people who would have...would today consider themselves trans men. That’s always a very tricky question and maybe one that doesn’t have an answer at all.
But that the economic circumstances of being able to make that break with the old life--it may be that we see more examples then, not simply because suddenly we’re keeping different types of records, but because this was a new opportunity to succeed at passing. And one of the fascinating things tracing these case histories is that generally clothing was not how they were discovered. That, although acquiring the clothing was often the hardest part of beginning the disguise, because very often we’re dealing with the poorer classes. These are people who only owned one set of clothing. And to acquire a set of men’s clothing is a major economic investment. And therefore sometimes involved theft rather than purchase. But that the defects in the clothing presentation were almost never the reason that they were uncovered, if they were uncovered.
But rather it was encountering somebody who had known them before they started passing. So, running into somebody from back home, who said, “Wait a minute! I recognize you! You’re--you’re Marie, not Jans!” And in some cases this happened to a woman, you know, several times. She would be discovered, she would say, “Oh, mea culpa, I will never do it again.” She’d be exiled from her city as a punishment. And then she’d get in financial difficulty and put on men’s clothing again, join the army again, and start it all over again.
But there still seemed to be a practical application of “clothes make the man.” That to wear men’s clothing was sufficient disguise, and that there was not sufficient physical distinction in the abilities--the physical abilities--of different genders that that would be a giveaway.
Lauri: That’s an interesting thought. Because I would say that that is not the case any longer, wouldn’t you? Whether it’s because women have been trained to not use all their strength or not show all their abilities. But it’s hard to imagine men and women having--in a broad spectrum--having equal physical abilities.
Well, one thing that is pointed out in some of the literature on this is that, because of the visual presentation, that women would often pass themselves off as an adolescent boy, even well into, say, their twenties. And that therefore the physical abilities of a woman in her twenties were comparable enough to what was expected of, say, a fifteen year old boy that this would not be a giveaway. But also, these are working-class women, they’ve been farm wives, they’ve been laundresses, they’ve been whatever. And they’ve been doing hard physical labor, and so in terms of strength and stamina that that was not a clear distinction between the genders.
Lauri: That’s very interesting. Do you see a difference across time in literature in terms of how cross-dressing women are presented or received or discovered?
Definitely, as time goes on, beginning as I say in the 16th century, and increasingly so as time goes on, the literary cross-dressing woman is no longer a positive figure. That it’s no longer that she’s becoming this more noble person by becoming male. But that she is a deceptive figure. She is often a predatory figure. And that the positive implications start falling away, and that more and more that the cross-dressing woman in literature is seen negatively.
Lauri: I’m thinking about--and I would have to look up the name--there was a 20th century jazz musician who, if I remember correctly--
Is it Billy Tipton maybe?
Lauri: I think you are correct. Who was not revealed until after he died to have actually been a cross-dressing woman--
--or at least physiologically female--
Lauri: --physiologically female, yes, living as a man. Dressing and living as a man. I think he was married to a woman.
Lauri: --and pulled this off quite successfully.
And that is a regular recurring theme throughout the modern period, where there are examples of persons who--having been identified as women earlier in life, have lived as men, and only been discovered after death. And very often have been married, and have just lived ordinary lives. That seems to have always been an option as long as you were able to leave behind anyone who knew you. And that was always the tricky part.
Today, in modern society, you know we don’t think anything of “Oh, I’ll just move across the country and shed all of my former acquaintances and reinvent myself.” But I think a lot of modern people forget, or simply aren’t away of how difficult that was. What an enormous break it was, to move somewhere where you didn’t know anyone and no one could vouch for you. You were a stranger; strangers were suspect. You had to re-create your life entirely from scratch. And therefore, to some extent, it was successful because it was not a trivial thing to do.
Lauri: You had to take it seriously. You had to do it seriously and devotedly.
And in a lot of the case histories of passing women where they were discovered, it was essentially an intimate betrayal. It was a personal relationship that went badly. Or it was initiating a relationship with someone who was not as cool with the whole idea as you thought they were going to be. And that then this would come to the attention of the authorities and would get into the legal records. There might be some sort of civic punishment.
Lauri: Was it, in fact, against the law? And was that always true? Or did that change over time?
That is a very complex question and, in fact, I covered it in a previous Ask Sappho segment. The one on “When was it illegal to be a lesbian?” The short version is that the act of cross-dressing was, in some times and places, illegal because it was viewed as a deception. It was viewed as fraud. And if there were another factor involved--for instance, if you married a woman who then claimed that she was not aware of the disguise--that this would be prosecuted as fraud, especially if there were money involved. And then there’s the question of if you were having sex involving “instruments” as they say--
Lauri: Yes, penetrative sex--
--that that...in certain countries that was...came under the aegis of the Inquisition, for example. But generally it was not...in the middle ages, church law addressed cross-dressing because there were Biblical prohibitions against it. But when the church stopped being quite as interested in that, and it fell under civic law, the simple fact of cross-dressing was not generally illegal. On the other hand, they could probably find something else to cite you for. And so it was a question of: were you a person that the law felt able to persecute? Or were you somebody who could laugh it off and say it was a joke, and go back to dressing in women’s clothing, and not experience any penalty.
And sometimes there was a great deal of sympathy for women who cross-dressed for economic purposes, or to escape an abusive husband, or various other reasons. So it was incredibly variable and hard to predict. There were executions, and there were people who were lionized and made much of as celebrities. And it didn’t necessarily correlate with particular regions. Sometimes it was individual circumstance.
Lauri: I have the impression--and this may just be from reading too many young adult adventure novels--but I have the impression that women who had joined the army as men were sometimes discovered for medical reasons. They got wounded or whatever. And is that actually true?
That is one way that cross-dressing women in the military were discovered. And there are cases of individuals who were wounded and then died of their wounds because they refused treatment. But yeah, that is definitely not merely a literary trope but something that we find in the actual records, yes.
So this has been a fascinating discussion! I’m really glad to get the input from clothing history side. That really adds to the analysis here. Thank you, Lauri.
Lauri: You’ve given me a lot to think about, so thank you.
If Ancillary Justice was a fascinating tour in non-linear exposition, and Ancillary Sword felt like a cozy mystery set in the midst of a space opera, Ancillary Mercy struck me as an interstellar version of the folktale motif “six go through the world”. That is, a protagonist accumulates a set of unlikely and improbable allies simply due to treating those she encounters with honesty, empathy, and (if you will forgive the word) humanity, to find that those allies come through with a vengeance when the chips are down. And the essence of Breq’s success in gaining allies is the question "what counts as 'humanity?" Who deserves to be treated as having equal significance and whose consent is worth respecting? Issues of colonialism and class consciousness play out at multiple levels and there are additional mythic resonances to reward the observant reader. (For example, the motif of redemption through willing self-sacrifice.) If the resolution relies overmuch on the triumph of good will and virtue, I’m happy to see those things triumph on occasion at the moment. This was a very satisfying conclusion to the trilogy.
There is a standard shape to collections of academic papers like this. One required feature is the introduction that lays out the outline of All That Has Come Before followed by a brief summary of each paper that is included. In the book itself, this is a valuable preface, but in my blogging project it means there will be entries that appear to have no useful content. Like this one. Sorry.
Giffney, Noreen, Michelle M. Sauer & Diane Watt. 2011. “Introduction: The Lesbian Premodern” in The Lesbian Premodern ed. by Noreen Giffney, Michelle M. Sauer & Diane Watt. Palgrave, New York. ISBN 978-0-230-61676-9
A collection of papers addressing the question of what the place of premodern historical studies have in relation to the creation and critique of historical theories, and especially to the field of queer studies.
Giffney, Noreen, Michelle M. Sauer & Diane Watt. 2011. “Introduction: The Lesbian Premodern”
The title and concept of the collection is deliberately provocative of the concept that “lesbian” is a limiting and essentialist concept. The editors point out that the challenges to identifying “lesbian” concepts in premodernity (i.e., that it’s anachronistic) apply equally well to heterosexuality, and that the concept “lesbian” almost always has been considered anachronistic throughout time.
The collection challenges the notion that theory-to-premodernity is a one-way street, and considers primary pre-modern scholarship as a theoretical structure in itself. The book is organized in three sections: theories and historiographies, histories and texts, and encounters with the lesbian pre-modern. It begins by re-examining the work of influential pre-modern scholars in lesbian and queer studies, as well as collecting and examining recent research and analysis, with the last section bringing scholars of later periods into the conversation to respond to its content and premise.
Part one addresses the erasure of lesbian experience from the body of received history. But erasure also comes from the presumed heterosexuality of historic societies, as well as from a framing that requires exclusivity to same-sex relations to bring someone under the rubric of “lesbian”. (In contrast, scholars of “gay history” include men under the category of “homosexual” if their lives include any same-sex relations, rather than requiring exclusively same-sex relations.)
The rest of the introduction is a summary of the papers to come.
I set a goal to finish the first round of revisions to “The Language of Roses” during November—my variant on NaNoWriMo, as it were. And although I’ve made significant progress, I’m not going to meet that goal. Oh, there are various reasons. Several projects cropped up at work that used up a lot of creative energy. I’m finding more and more that I can’t do creative-type writing while traveling, so Thanksgiving week was spent on relatively mindless computer housekeeping projects rather than on editing. And various other projects that I wanted to front-load into my priority schedule. (I’m a firm believer in front-loading things that can be done in advance—like setting up blog and podcast content—so that I don’t find myself suddenly scrambling for things with deadlines.)
But you know? An arbitrary goal is just an arbitrary goal. It’s an incentive, a target to aim at, but nothing to beat oneself up about if not met. Meeting an arbitrary goal is like winning a game of solitaire: sure, that’s part of the challenge of playing, but nobody dies if you lose the game.
At any rate, I’m about halfway done with the first round of revisions for “The Language of Roses” and I’m really happy with what it’s turning into. The characters are coming alive and I’m smoothing out bits of the backstory that were originally just mechanics to guide the action into the right channels.
I’m realizing that I have a fondness for unlikable female characters. Ones that have opinions and take actions that you aren’t supposed to agree with, but that are real. That are fully-formed and three dimensional. It’s realistic for an aristocrat of the fairy world to feel a certain disdain for a human merchant’s daughter, even when they are in the process of forging an alliance. It’s natural for someone whose sanity and safety has depended on concealing her deepest secrets to fail to reach out the powerful stranger who might have saved her. Why seek help from a stranger when your own parents have failed you? It’s natural to read guilt and uncaring arrogance into cold silence, rather than seeing through to the terror underneath. It’s understandable that loss upon loss might be more than the heart can take, and that sometimes you cannot save anyone else from the Beast, you can only save yourself. I love them all--Grace, Alys, Peronelle, Eglantine—for all their flaws and failings and courage and despair. I even love them when they cannot find it in themselves to forgive each other. I hope you will love them too.
This collection centers around the general problem that it is anachronistic and unhistoric to pursue “pre-modern lesbians” from a desire for identity and connection, but that without this desire, the forces and filters of heteronormativity, sexism, and anti-identitarianism work to erase or dismiss the historic data that an identitarian approach is ideally suited to uncover. Historiography challenges the modern lesbian to ask “who or what would I be if I were born in a different era?” And to recognize that individual personal identity is not as fixed as current fashion holds it to be. The foundation of late 20th/early 21st centuery queer identity is the concept of “born that way”--that our identities are intrinsic, immutable, and essential. But the consequence of this position is to say that, if we cannot find “us” in the past, exactly as we are, then we didn’t exist in the past and have no history at all.
If I were to follow my usual schedule of one LHMP post per week, this book would hold me for the next four months! And while that’s tempting because of both the end-of-year holidays and the unknown added workload in January and beyond to deal with the podcast story submissions, I think that would be entirely too long to give my readers a steady diet of historical theory. So I’m doubling up and posting entries on both Mondays and Thursdays through the end of January 2018. Many of these entries will be fairly brief, as the theoretical discussions are difficult to summarize for my intended audience. But the structure of the blog drives me to cover them all, one at a time, so this seems the best compromise.
Lochrie, Karma. 2011. “Preface” in The Lesbian Premodern ed. by Noreen Giffney, Michelle M. Sauer & Diane Watt. Palgrave, New York. ISBN 978-0-230-61676-9
A collection of papers addressing the question of what the place of premodern historical studies have in relation to the creation and critique of historical theories, and especially to the field of queer studies.
Lochrie, Karma. 2011. “Preface”
Lochrie expresses uneasiness with the premise of the collection--that there is such a thing as “lesbian” in the pre-modern era. She suggests that heteronormativity does not exist across time but is a modern/post-modern phenomenon. This collection operates within a general critique of historicism, chronology, and periodization. It questions the idea that pre-modern scholarship constitutes a type of historical theory in itself.
Lesbian Historic Motif Podcast - Episode 16d - When did we become Lesbians? - transcript
For all that we’ve had a generation of hearing queer people say, “I don’t like labels,” the power of names and labels is hard to deny. One of the arguments we hear from people who say that lesbians didn’t exist until the late 19th century sexologists invented the concept, is that no one identified as a lesbian before the 19th century and how can something exist without a name?
There are several arguments against that position. One of them is that the word “lesbian”, used in the sense of a woman who had homoerotic desires, came into use much earlier than that. Another argument is that there were other words in use throughout history to refer to women who had sex with other women. But it’s also true that words change in meaning over time, and that the ideas represented by the word “lesbian” today may be different from what people in other eras meant when they used the word. And it’s true that the specific shades of meaning implied by various labels don’t correspond precisely to our current meaning of “lesbian.” But then, there are ongoing debates today about just what exactly the category of lesbian encompasses.
Today’s podcast is going to take a tour through some of the vocabulary used in European history for women who loved or desired other women. I’m also going to touch briefly on some Arabic terms, but I don’t have the resources available at the moment to cover the rest of the world. I’m looking specifically at words for persons. There was a parallel vocabulary of adjectives and verbs, and different forms of the language evolved at different times. For example, “lesbian” as an adjective, talking about desires and acts, seems to have emerged earlier than the widespread use of the word as a noun, referring to a person. Similarly, the word “Sapphic” used as an adjective to describe feelings and activities seems to show up earlier than “Sapphist” as a word for a person. Some words were in widespread use across cultures, showing up in forms specific to the various languages. We can see the evolution of the Latin word “fricatrix” as it begins showing up in vernacular languages across Europe. Other words, especially slang terms, were found only in a single language, like the Dutch word “lollepot.”
It might be useful to think of these words as having three types of origins. There are words that have their primary meaning as describing what it is that lesbians do. We’ll see that most of these descriptive terms have to do with the act of rubbing, referring to that action in the context of sexual activity. Second are the metonymic words that refer to someone or something that has come to be associated with lesbians but had some other original meaning. The most obvious example of this group is the word lesbian itself, which originally meant simply a person from the island of Lesbos and acquired its sexual sense by a roundabout path because Sappho lived on Lesbos. The third set of words can be slippery to identify. These are slang terms, which derive their meaning from an indirect allusion or from some coincidence of reference. Finding their origins can be tricky because the word or phrase may mean something else on the surface and you have to find contexts where the sexual sense is unambiguous. A great example of this type of word is “gay”, though it won’t be one of the ones discussed here. It’s hard to figure out when the word “gay” first started to be used to mean homosexual because most of the time the interpretation is ambiguous. Often that’s exactly why slang terms come into use: because they can be used discretely.
So let’s follow the histories of some of these words and see where it leads us.
One of the most tantalizing words I’ll discuss is the Greek hetairistriai. It is perhaps the oldest clear reference for a woman who desires women and appears in a relatively positive context, but it is a hapax legomenon--a word that appears only once in surviving records, other than later sources quoting that source--therefore it’s hard to think of it as a term in common use. It’s also awkward that we only have the word in the plural and it isn’t entirely certain what the singular form would be, though hetairistria is perhaps a good guess. Hetairistriai is used in Plato’s Symposium in a mythic tale of how human sexual attraction came into being. All people, so the story goes, were originally double-bodied beings that split into two. Those who descended from double-bodied creatures that were both male and female have heterosexual desires (although obviously Plato doesn’t use that term), while those who descended from double male bodied creatures are men who desire men, and those descended from double female bodied creatures are “hetairistriai”, who have no interest in men but are attracted to other women. The word has the same root as “heteira” or courtesan, but with no additional context it’s hard to know the exact relationship between the two words, whether hetairistriai means “women who love courtesans” or has some other sense.
The word appears rarely in later writings, and the examples that people cite are from dictionaries or from commentaries where it’s being used to discuss and define other words. A 5th century Byzantine dictionary considers dihetaristria to be equivalent to the word tribas (which we’ll discuss next), and glosses it as meaning “women who, like men, are oriented towards female companions for sex.” And similarly, a 10th century commentary of the 2nd century Roman author Lucian equates hetairistria and tribades. Another 10th century commentary, this time on the 2nd century Christian writer Clement of Alexandria, lists tribades, hetairistriai, and Lesbiai as all being equivalent in meaning.
One thing to notice in the definitions and explanations for these early terms is that there is often an implication that the label applies specifically to a woman who actively pursues other women, but with the implication that her female partner may not fit under the same definition if she merely passively allows herself to be pursued.
Chronologically, the next word that comes into use is tribas, from the Greek verb tribein meaning “to rub or wear down”. Tribas is used by classical Greek writers for women who have sex with women. The Greek plural, tribades, gave us the later use in various languages as tribade. We can find this term used in Greek astrological texts of the 1st and 2nd century to describe a woman whose stars result in her being a lover of women. The context and discussion implies that this is due to masculinizing factors in her horoscope. Like the classical Romans, the Greeks viewed sexual roles in terms of active and passive, rather than in terms of the gender of the sex partner. A woman who took the active role was considered to be taking on a male sexual role and therefore was expected to desire women.
The word tribas was taken directly into Classical Latin and is used by authors such as Seneca and Martial to refer to a woman who has sex with other women, not only by rubbing but also by penetration. Given the way that classical Romans understood sexuality, they made a distinction in considering only the active partner--the top, if you will--to be a tribas.
Medical manuals of the early Christian era are another early source of examples of tribade to discuss women with homoerotic desires.
Tribade continued in regular use during the medieval period and later, well into the modern era. As noted previously, there are 10th century writings that specifically comment on it meaning the same thing as hetairistriai and lesbia.
In the later 16th century, the scandalous French writer Brantôme included a long discussion of women who loved women in his book The Lives of Gallant Ladies. He uses the terms tribade and fricatrix, or in French, fricatrice, as well as using lesbian as a noun, clearly in the modern sense as being equivalent to those terms. Finding writers who use sets of different terms together like this help us be certain of which of the possible senses is being included.
In the 16th century, in addition to France, tribade is found in use in Italy and England. Spanish had its own version at this time, as tribada. In English, it continued in use as late as the 18th century, although it was falling out of popularity by then. By the Renaissance, the term tribade was starting to acquire a more specific meaning of a very sexually aggressive lesbian, and became particularly associated with the myth that lesbians were associated with an enlarged clitoris capable of penetrative sex.
One of the difficulties in tracing the use of the words lesbia and lesbian to mean women who desire women is the word’s basic meaning of “a woman from the island of Lesbos” in combination with the somewhat fuzzy reputation in early Greek and Latin writings that the women of Lesbos had for various atypical sexual practices. Despite the clearly homoerotic content of her poetry, Sappho of Lesbos became a figure associated with excessive heterosexual desire in satirical Greek plays of the 4th century BC. It isn’t clear whether the more generic sexual meanings of Lesbian in early sources were due to an entirely independent reputation that the women of Lesbos had, or whether all the various sexual implications derive from the various incarnations of Sappho’s reputation.
The Greek playwright Aristophanes, in the 5th century BC, used a verb with the same root as lesbian to mean “to practice oral sex” in a heterosexual context, and this meaning was one of the senses the word had through late Antiquity. But eventually Lesbos also became associated with women who loved women, and again it’s unclear whether this was specifically due to an association with Sappho or whether there were independent reasons for it. In the 2nd century, the Roman writer Lucian has one of the characters in his “Dialogues of the Courtesans” say, “They say there are women in Lesbos with faces like men, and unwilling to consort with men, but only with women as though they themselves were men.” This is in his dialogue about Megilla, who comes across either as an extremely butch woman or as a trans man (if I may be forgiven for using modern categories). And Megilla is, literally, a woman from Lesbos. But in the context of the dialogue, the courtesan relates how she was hired to entertain Megilla and Megilla’s female partner. The ambiguity is there, but there’s a clear implication that the phrase “a woman from Lesbos” was meant to suggest sexual attraction to women.
In post-classical use, the first fairly unambiguous example we have of lesbiai (the plural) to mean homosexual women comes from the previously mentioned 10th century commentary on Clement of Alexandria that groups tribades, hetairistriai, and Lesbiai together. While any one of the terms might sometimes be ambiguous, setting all three together in this way is strongly suggestive.
As mentioned above, the 16th century French writer Brantôme used the word lesbian clearly in the sense of a female homosexual. And in English, the earliest example found to date is in an early 18th century satirical poem, which uses lesbian several times as an adjective, but concludes with proclaiming a woman “chief of the tribades or lesbians” which is unarguably the modern sense.
It might be surprising that the term sapphist is fairly late to arrive to the party. The earliest known use in English is in a late 18th century diary entry by society gossip-monger Hester Thrale who, in contradiction to the popular image of Ponsonby and Butler--the Ladies of Llangollen--as the epitome of chaste romantic friendship, refers to them as “damned sapphists”. The adjective sapphic was in fairly common use in English in the 18th century, so it’s likely that this was not an isolated invention on Thrale’s part. By the early 20th century, sapphist came to be a somewhat upscale term, used by the literati with full awareness of its classical associations.
Like the Greek word tribas, the Latin word fricatrix or frictrix derives from a root meaning “to rub”--the same root we get “friction” from. The early Christian writer Tertullian uses frictrix in a sexual sense, possibly implying a woman who performs oral sex, but it isn’t entirely clear that he intended homosexual activity.
But in an astrological text dating to some time between the 2nd and 7th century and associated with the name of Hermes Trismegistos, we find fricatrix used to describe a woman with a horoscope that inclines her to love women, and it describes her partners also using fricatrix. This suggests a more egalitarian sense than sometimes found for tribade, which often seemed to imply an active-passive distinction. In early modern English the word is found as fricatrice, and a sense of mutual activity is emphasized in the less common alternate form confricatrice.
Italian turned the original Latin word into fregatore, which we encounter by the 16th century. In French, we find frigarelle in the same era, and a few decades later frigarelle turns in English too.
It can be difficult to untangle the contexts in which the word sodomite and its derivatives indicate female homosexuals. The history of what types of activities were considered sodomy is complicated and it changed greatly over the centuries. In the early medieval period, sodomite meant someone who performed any sort of sex act that was considered to be counter to nature, including same-sex acts but by no means confined to them. During the high medieval era, there was more of a tendency for it to mean homosexual acts specifically, and we find references to “female sodomites”, as well as to the Latin sodomita with a female sense. There is a 13th century Italian record where a woman who boasts of giving her female lovers pleasure using a strap-on dildo is called sodomita, but it’s possible that the word more narrowly referred to penetrative sex between women as opposed to any same-sex act. There is a rare example in English around 1600 of the form sodomitesse.
Another set of words that overlap with the nomenclature of male homosexuality derive from the word “bugger”. Bugger itself has a rather convoluted origin, deriving from Bulgar that is, a Bulgarian, it picked up the meaning of “religious heretic” due to attitudes by western Catholic Europeans toward the Eastern Orthodox religion that was common in Bulgaria. But there was a long association of religious heresy with forbidden sexual practices, and in medieval France the word shifted in meaning to a purely sexual sense with a similar meaning to sodomite. In the 16th century, we find the Spanish word bujarrona and the Italian buzerone both used specifically for women who had sex with women.
Another term that was sometimes applied to women who had sex with women, but where the specific meaning was somewhat different is hermaphrodite. This derives from a premodern understanding of sexual desire that tried to fit everything into a heterosexual mould. So if a woman desired other women, this was considered to indicate a masculine personality. The combination of a male personality in a female body was labeled hermaphrodite, and similarly people with male bodies who were considered to behave in a feminine manner were similarly labeled. It’s also likely that some of the people identified as hermaphrodites may have had ambiguous genitalia. I’d hesitate to say that hermaphrodite was in any way a label for women who desired women because its use was based on entirely different models of gender and sexuality than we have today. But it was definitely a term that such a woman might be called by her contemporaries who were trying to understand her behavior. In general, the heyday of the hermaphrodite model was around the 15th through 17th centuries and the term doesn’t seem to have been used for same-sex desire outside that period.
There are some early texts that use the Latin term virago--literally a masculine woman--in a context that equates it with tribas. One example comes from a 4th century astrology manual by Julius Firmicus Maternus. But I’d be hesitant to consider virago to have an unambiguously sexual sense, since it is commonly used to talk about social behavior where a woman is considered to be usurping what was considered to be a masculine role in general. This is a general issue with a number of terms in cultural contexts where the desire for women was considered to be inherently masculine.
In addition to words that were in use across a number of different cultures, though often adapted into those languages in local forms, there are words that came into use in specific languages, either as new descriptive coinages or as slang terms.
The popularity of words meaning “one who rubs” to describe those who engaged in lesbian sex was not just a legacy of Greek and Latin words with that meaning. In the 17th century, a medical manual by Bartholin gives rubster as an equivalent for the more learned confricatrice.
In 17th century Dutch, we begin to find the word lollepot used for women who have sex with women, a narrowing of meaning from earlier use where it simply meant “an immodest woman.” I don’t know what the literal meaning of the word was originally.
Readers of Sarah Waters’ novels about lesbians in the Victorian era are familiar with the English slang term tommy. Slang terms like this can be hard to pin down in origin unless the context of use is quite specific. In this case, we have a clear example from a late 18th century English poem that reads in part:
“Woman with Woman act the Manly Part,
And kiss and press each other to the heart.
Unnat'ral Crimes like these my Satire vex;
I know a thousand Tommies 'mongst the Sex:”
This sense of tommy is reminiscent of the modern use of tomboy to mean a girl who rejects gender stereotypes and behaves in ways associated with boys. But rather than tomboy being a watered down derivation from the sexual sense of tommy, the origin may go in the other direction. Tomboy begins showing up in the mid 16th century to mean a particularly rude or boisterous boy, but by the end of the 16th century it had been transferred to meaning a “bold or immodest woman” or a woman who behaved in ways considered masculine. Tom, short for Thomas, was at that time considered to be a name for a generic man, with maybe a connotation of being rude or ill-mannered. Consider the word tom-foolery, but also the use of “tom” in tomcat to signify a male cat. So tommy to mean a lesbian most likely was derived from the more general gender-transgressive sense of tomboy.
While most of this discussion has focused on European cultures, I promised to touch on some historic Arabic terms that show interesting parallels. I mentioned some early astrological texts that were a source of vocabulary about homoerotic relations. An Arabic translation of a 1st century Greek astrology manual by Dorotheos of Sidon discusses constellations that result in a woman desiring women and uses the word sahaqa for such a woman. This is the term found throughout Arabic literature of the medieval period, sometimes as suhaqiyya as the basic word for a woman who has sex with women. Like tribade and fricatrix, the root meaning of the word is “one who rubs”, generally implying a particular type of sexual technique. This term and associated words have been in use up to the modern era.
Another term found in Arabic literature falls more in the slang category and has intriguing connotations. This is zarifa or tharifa. (I believe these are variants of the same word but I haven’t been able to confirm it solidly.) In origin, this term means “someone elegant, witty, and charming” and is part of a medieval Arabic esthetic movement that prized sophistication and elegance. There are descriptions of how women who were sexually interested in women would use these terms as something of a code, saying that a woman was tharifa to indicate that she was a suhaqiyya and part of a subculture of women who loved women. But the word tharifa was never exclusive to this sexual sense. One might think of it as similar in implication to “gay” in that there were always non-sexual interpretations available as well.
So the answer to the question “when did we become lesbians?” depends to some extent on whether you’re speaking specifically of the word lesbian used as a noun to denote a woman whose primary sexual and romantic orientation is to other women, or whether the question is when did people have a vocabulary available to talk about homoerotic relations between women, or whether you’re being a stickler for some particular shade of meaning equivalent to the modern understanding of the word.
But is there a single modern understanding of the word lesbian? Think about all the arguments people have over what degree of commitment and experience is required to bestow the title of lesbian on a woman. Is it appropriate to speak of a bisexual woman as being in a lesbian relationship if she happens to be with a woman? Is someone allowed to claim the identity of lesbian if--for reasons that seem convincing to her--she chooses to be in a relationship with a man, despite feeling a primary orientation towards women? One could argue that some far future historian studying the use of the word lesbian in the 20th and 21st century would have a hard time coming to a clear definition of exactly what the boundaries of the category were.
Let us keep that in mind when we’re studying the vocabulary of the past and trying to sort out exactly when a woman might first have called herself a lesbian to claim an understanding of herself that we would recognize today under that banner.
Somehow I failed to review this when I finished it, quite possibly because that happened in the chaos leading up to my summer travel.
Jackalope Wives is a collection of short pieces by Ursula Vernon under her writing-for-adults name of T. Kingfisher. I say “short pieces” rather than short fiction because it also includes poetry and things that don’t really fit neatly into categories (like the totally hilarious and biting “This Vote is Legally Binding” which is basically a letter to the editor talking back to an article on how to try to pick up women who are wearing headphones in public). But for me the heart and spine of the collection are the stories that I think of as falling in the “Kingfisher mythos” -- a quintessentially American mythic otherworld peopled with jackalopes and sentient feral railroads and magical wild hogs and very very many snarky grumbling wise old women who sigh and glare and then go off to save the world. Stories like the titular “Jackalope Wives” in which male bullheaded entitlement causes a tragedy that must be redeemed, and “Razorback” (a reworking of an old folk tale) where a witch looks for justice for the death of her best friend, and “Bird Bones” which involves an avian intervention in neighborhood hostilities. And, of course, the fiercely delightful “The Tomato Thief” (which won a Hugo this year) in which the protagonist of “Jackalope Wives” returns to figure out just who is robbing her garden and encounters yet another injustice demanding her wise and cranky attention.
I’ve been spacing out my reading of Kingfisher’s short fiction a bit because it hits so solidly in my sweet spot that I’m not sure I could bear to run out of new stories to read. I’m not sure I can be coherent it saying how much I love her writing. Just give it a try; maybe you’ll feel that way too.
Just a few quick notes or they'll get lost in the vacation/holiday shuffle.
The Band's Visit is a layered, poignant, and sometimes funny show (taken originally from a real-life episode) of an Egyptian police department's traditional orchestra making a trip to give a goodwill concert in the Israeli city of Petah Tikva, but through a missed travel connection and linguistic confusion end up in the tiny desert village of Bet Hatikva instead. The bulk of the show takes place in Bet Hatikva as the orchestra members are offered hospitality while waiting for the next available bus and various personal encounters highlight both cultural differences and a sense of underlying unity. This isn't a story where anyone's life is dramatically changed or turned around. It's more about how the various encounters enable people to understand their own lives more deeply. I really enjoyed how the multilingual setting was presented, with both Arabic and Hebrew used conversationally (made understandable by context and the acting) while English was used both as an in-story lingua franca as well as the access point for the audience. It's easy to see why this has become a very popular show, both among critics and general audience.
I jumped at the chance to see Phantom of the Opera where Lauri has been subbing recently as house manager--so much for a relaxing retirement!. We got a personal backstage tour before the performance, which I always enjoy. I really enjoy the mechanics of spectacle productions like this, so it was fun to see how all the traps and sets worked. It was also interesting to see the differences in presentation from my previous experience in Las Vegas. (Of course, one of the big differences is that the Las Vegas dedicated theater was designed around the dramatic chandalier action, but it was still impressive in the smaller space.) The Broadway show is a bit longer, which seemed to come mostly from extended ensemble songs. (I love the structural concept of the ensemble counterpoint songs, but I can never actually understand what's being sung, so some of the effect is lost on me.) One dramatic difference--and I don't think it was a difference in the songs/lines themselves, but only in the performace--was that in the final confrontation there seemed less of an implication that Christine was genuinely torn between Raoul and the Phantom, and much more of a sense that she was putting on an act for Raoul's life. (And I still dislike Raoul using her as a pawn in the Don Juan gambit. I think she deserved to go on to a great career as an operatic soprano rather than ending up as a rescued damsel.)
This is a very theory-intensive book -- historiography rather than history, and not well suited for the casual reader. But there are some great discussions that made it worth tackling. The writing is very dense and my summary only touches on the outlines of the discussion rather than its specifics. Although theories about how we study and interpret history might seem rather removed from the process of writing lesbian historical fiction, from another angle, the two fields have a great deal of overlap. Consider the question of whether our approach to history is focused on finding identity with our own specific experiences and relationships, or whether we are seeking to understand and appreciate people whose lives have connections with ours but also wide areas of difference. Do we seek to find/write "lesbians in history" from a very narrow definition of the word "lesbian" or do we seek to find/write themes of women's same-sex relationships expressed in a multitude of ways? Do we consider sexual activity to be a necessary defining aspect of those persons we study/write under the rubric of "lesbian" or is it only one of a cluster of important themes? Historical fiction (not just lesbian historical fiction but the entire field) has a pervasive uneasiness around how closely similar historical figures need to be made to modern mindsets in order to be sympathetic to modern readers. In the specific case of lesbian historical fiction, this concern can work to delegitimize the very concept of lesbians in history, just as some historical theories work to erase lesbians as a topic of valid study. And that's why I love finding the parallels in books like this to my own thought processes around the project of writing.
Traub, Valerie. 2016. Thinking Sex with the Early Moderns. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0812223897
Theoretical considerations of studying sexuality in the early modern period.
Chapter 1 - Thinking Sex: Knowledge, Opacity, History
This book is historiography rather than history, that is, it takes a strongly theory-intensive look at the ways in which sex and sexuality are studied and raises questions about the current process of doing history around the topic of sex. Sexuality is used as a lens to examine how people in history (and today) think. In particular, it’s concerned with the concept of knowledge and what it means for a person to “know” something sexual, whether as an individual in history or as a historian studying the topic. Different approaches to the identification and understanding of knowing make sex a difficult topic to study as well as a site of conflict.
One example of these approaches is the question of how we divide the world between passionate friendship and eroticism. When is a kiss (or an embrace, or the sharing of a bed) just a kiss and when is it erotic? The book has a strong focus on women’s experience and the ways it has been excluded from study. Because of this, Traub is very inclusive of female same-sex experience, and often focuses specifically on the ways in which female same-sex eroticism has been excluded or erased from larger theoretical movements in historical study.
Chapter 2 - Friendship’s Loss: Alan Bray’s Making of History
This chapter examines how historians have understood the interface between friendship and eroticism, focused through the lens of Alan Bray’s study of friendship and homosexuality among men in Renaissance England. He’s concerned with the contradictory position of intimate relations between men in the Renaissance which treated friendship and sodomy as clear contrasts, despite massive overlap in practice.
Although the chapter is mostly concerned with male relations, it also touches on the phenomenon of marriage between women. Traub emphasizes the different social receptions of the ideal of male versus female homoerotic relationships. One historiographical problem is that of researchers who impose moral judgments on asexual versus sexual friendships. There is a brief consideration of the intersection of documented cases of erotic desire with rituals associated with sworn friendship, as we find in the diaries of Anne Lister. Also noted are friendship rituals that partake of the forms of marriage, such as the co-burial of Ann Chitting and Mary Barber.
Chapter 3 - The New Unhistoricism in Queer Studies
This chapter examines historicism and teleology, that is, the question of whether history “moves” in a meaningful direction. Do historical phenomena have systematicity and coherence or are they discontinuous? In particular, is there a connected “history of homosexuality” across the ages? What are the hazards of studying sexuality from a point of view that assumes a present enlightened truth.
Chapter 4 - The Present Future of Lesbian Historiography
Traub critiques the usefulness of an assumption of a “sameness/difference” polarity in framing women’s same-sex relationships. She notes previous major works that take a “continuist” approach to history (i.e., looking for a single continuous narrative of lesbianism) including Faderman, Castle, and Brooten. These historians are critical of Foucault’s periodization model that splits the history of sexuality into a focus on “acts” versus a focus on “identity”. Traub notes the conceptual simlarity across time of lesbian concepts, e.g., female intimate friendship as examined by Vicinus and others. She urges that the “present future of lesbian history” should look at these recurring patterns across time. Thus circumstances and behaviors in other times may look like the modern definition of “lesbian” because they emerge from similar sets of continuing preoccupations about women’s bodies and behaviors. She considers studies of various historic types of representations or relationships that contributed to or have been retroactively connected with the modern lesbian. She presents a recapitulation of various images and interpretations of female same-sex relations from the 17th century to today and then draws up a list of themes relevant to these recurring patterns. (A very long list, or I would include it here.)
Chapter 5 - The Joys of Martha Joyless: Queer Pedagogy and the (Early Modern) Production of Sexual Knowledge
This chapter looks at sexual knowledge and ignorance, riffing off an example of dialogue in the 1638 play “The Antipodes” by Richard Brome, in which a still-virgin wife of three years is speculating on heterosexual knowledge (complaining to a friend about not knowing how to get her husband to perform), while recalling a same-sex erotic encounter. The woman’s request for her female friend to instruct her about sex is portrayed as naïveté. In contexts like this, there is no concept that a male versus female sexual partner indicates a particular orientation or identity, although “spouse” versus “non-spouse” is a relevant category. Similarly there is no hint in this dialogue of a concept of “the closet” or an expectation of negative reactions from others to her relation of the same-sex encounter. The only aspect of the scenario that is considered problematic is her husband’s sexual indifference.
The chapter then considers various other examples of sexual dysfunction in drama, and how the situations are addressed by non-marital sexual activity, regardless of gender. What do we, as moderns, “know” about early modern sex and how do we know it? Among the motifs available from literature are the older woman who sexually initiates a younger one--a cross-over motif from pornography. These texts question the “natural, innate” nature of sexual knowledge. Rather, it is a type of cultural knowledge and practice.
Chapter 6 - Sex in the Interdisciplines
Traub examines the overlapping contexts of history, literary criticism, and queer theory for studying the history of sexuality. There is an extensive description of the state of the field as the author experiences it. This includes a comprehensive catalog of the understanding of English sexual culture in 1550-1680 and a discussion of sexual vocabulary in use by 1650.
Chapter 7 - Talking Sex
This chapter examines descriptive, metaphoric, and humorous language around sex. How were people represented in historic records and literature as speaking of erotic and sexual acts? What language was used for sex workers? And what shades of meaning did the various terms carry? There is an extensive catalog of sexual vocabulary (which would be extremely useful to a writer setting bawdy scenes in this era). In the discussion of sexual humor, Traub discusses how to edit, translate, and annotate texts containing early modern sexual language in order to convey all the layers and nuances of meaning it held. There is a special discussion of language around dildos.
Chapter 8 - Shakespeare’s Sex
This chapter looks at interpretations of Shakespeare’s personal sexuality as embodied in his sonnets (as opposed to the sexual themes in his plays or the evidence of his biography). The study is less concerned with Shakespeare’s actual life than the shifting “knowledge” of that life. That is, how people have come to conclude the things they think they know about him.
Chapter 9 - The Sign of the Lesbian
Traub addresses the question, “Why do we need a history of lesbianism?” That is, why would we need one that focuses on “lesbian” as a specific and defined field of study, as contrasted with the need or usefulness of lesbian history to lesbians in particular. Traub notes a conjunction of “queer history” doubts about history itself along with disinterest in lesbian identity in the context of queer studies. This seems to require identifying a general benefit from the field if a continued interest in “lesbian history” is to survive. To this end, she suggests destabilizing the meanings of both “lesbian” and “history” to ask, “What does it mean to identify ‘lesbian’ in the context of ‘history’?” Why and how does the concept of “the lesbian” become pivotal in history?
Traub’s answer begins, “My purpose is to supplement these revisionist accounts of queer theory by suggesting that it is precisely the history of lesbianism, when reconceived as a problem of representation and epistemology, that offers a valuable heuristic for crafting an analysis that is simultaneously feminist and queer. Reasoning that one impediment to recognizing these interventions as queer theory is that many of these innovations have been produced by means of analysis that is explicitly historical, I argue that ‘the lesbian’ presents not only a limit case for queer theory, but a methodological release point for anyone interested in sexual knowledge--past, present, and future.”
Traub discusses different approaches and concerns of lesbian and gay historical studies versus queer studies. The field currently privileges the queer studies approach. She looks at works in which the figure of “the lesbian” is foregrounded but is concerned that they dismiss the contributions of historicity. Must history be discarded to include the lesbian in queer theory? The lack of interest in lesbian history outside the field producing it means that it rarely influences the construction and debate of larger theories. There is a conflict between the tendency to see lesbian history as rooted in identity, with queer theory associated with post-identitarianism.
Traub suggests that dismissal of the lesbian from theoretical consideration on the basis of rejecting identitarianism assumes the narrowly modern identity associated with the label, and ignores the varied and discontinuous histories of lesbianism. That is, queer theory narrows lesbian identity to a concept easy to dismiss and to consider historically irrelevant. If “the lesbian” can be confined to a 20th century identity, then all pre- and early modern evidence of female homoeroticism becomes “not queer enough” to contribute to queer theory.
The denigration and marginalization of lesbian studies, even by some of those engaged in it, comes from multiple sources: the marginalization of sexuality studies, the tendency of those engaged in lesbian studies to have a broader focus to their work, and shifting popular attitudes that consider the label “lesbian” as retrograde and associated with the white middle class. There is a false belief that the recency of the label “lesbian” represents a lack of a historic subject for study. This attitude persists in the face of awareness of the term’s long history.
A more historic approach would be to examine women’s understandings of their own experience, rather than viewing lesbian history as a “search and rescue” project. Traub notes the valuable data in Anne Lister’s self-examinations and self-reporting of her sexuality. Traub draws attention to how, of all “queer” identity labels and categories, only “lesbian” seems to be deemed retro and essentializing--in the face of no logical difference from similar uses of “gay” or “trans”. She suggests (without quite using that term) that systemic misogyny can’t be ruled out as an explanation for the marginalization of lesbian history within queer studies.
Chapter 10 - Sex Ed: or, Teach Me Tonight
This chapter focuses on the process of learning, especially with regard to sexual knowledge. Literary examples are given of a character learning or teaching sexual techniques. Sexual knowledge in particular is often communicated in allusions and slang, or in meaningful omissions. The chapter mostly contains discussions of theory and modern pedagogy and provides a summary of the book’s main points.
I bought Barbary Station by R.E. Stearns based on the response of various advance reviewers that boiled down to “lesbian space pirates; what more could you want?” Well, evidently I want more. Barbary Station appears to be a competently written space opera involving pirates, malevolent AIs, and bionically-enhanced cyber-hacking engineers. The central protagonists are a same-sex couple in a pre-existing and utterly taken for granted relationship. But having gotten four chapters in, I have yet to find myself caring what happens to them or whether they succeed. The story simply hasn’t grabbed me. Space opera isn’t one of my top ten genres, but there have been many books in that general subgenre that I’ve loved, when the characters caught my interest. So I’m going to have to leave this one at Did Not Finish and forgo a rating. If you generally enjoy space pirates and plots that revolve around engineering problem-solving, you may well have a very different experience.